Benedictus Polonus – Historical-Literal Translation

Latest corrected version 9 November 2025

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How to Read This Translation

  • The translation preserves medieval phrasing and structure where possible, clarifying only where required for sense.
  • Notes are concise: textual notes indicate decisions in rendering; historical notes provide minimal, relevant context.
  • Proper names generally follow the medieval forms used in the base text; normalization is applied only when clarity demands it.
  • Orthographic features are maintained when meaningful; obscurities that impede comprehension are silently normalized.

 

Background

Benedictus Polonus (Benedict the Pole) accompanied Giovanni da Pian del Carpine on Pope Innocent IV’s mission to the Mongols (1245–1247). His Relatio offers a concise, independent account parallel to Carpini’s longer narrative, documenting routes, protocol, ethnography, and court ceremonial encountered en route to the Great Khan. The present translation is designed to be read in parallel with the critical Latin text and to retain the voice and structure of the original report while providing necessary clarifications in modern English.

 

Editorial Basis of This Translation

The translation follows the Latin text as edited by A. van den Wyngaert in Sinica Franciscana I (Florence, 1929). The principal witnesses are the Vienna manuscript (B) used as the base and the Paris manuscript (P) collated; “G” denotes readings of Pullé’s printed edition as cited by Wyngaert and is not an independent manuscript. Readings marked “G” are preferred only where they plausibly preserve an earlier or less harmonized form. Orthography is retained where it reflects medieval usage, and silently normalized when obscurity would impede meaning.

 

Translation Method

This is a historical–literal translation. Syntactic relations, clause order, and key technical terms are preserved to mirror the source’s structure. Medieval administrative and ethnographic terms are kept where feasible; where necessary, a close English equivalent is supplied. Liturgical and chronological markers (e.g., Invocavit, Maundy Thursday) are maintained as technical terms. Hydronyms and ethnonyms generally follow the Latin forms of the edition, with minimal normalization for clarity.

 

Notes and Commentary Policy

Each numbered section of the translation may be accompanied by:

  • Textual Commentary — Records lexical or structural decisions and indicates where the translation tracks specific readings.
  • Historical Commentary — Provides brief context for places, groups, customs, and chronology relevant to interpreting the passage.

Notes are intended to clarify the text without supplying interpretive essays; extended discussion belongs to the critical apparatus and secondary literature.

 

Bibliographic Note

Base text: Anastasius van den Wyngaert (ed.), Sinica Franciscana, Vol. I (Florence: Collegium S. Bonaventurae, 1929). The present translation is aligned with the master version of the edition and its accompanying notes.

1.

In the year of the Lord 1245, brother Iohannes of the Order of Minors, called de Plano Carpini, sent by the lord Pope to the Thartars with another brother of the same Order, at Easter going forth from Lugdunum of Gaul where the Pope was, having set forth into Poland took up in Wratislavia a third brother of the same Order by the name Benedictus, Polish by origin, that he might be to him a companion of hardship and of this solicitude and an interpreter. They by mediation of Conrad duke of the Poles came to Kiovia, a city of Ruscia which now is under the servitude of the Thartars. Their citizens’ leaders gave them an escort for a six-day journey, until the first guardpost of the Thartars around the beginning of Comania.

Textual Commentary

Syntax and Grammar: The translation preserves the construction exiens…profectus as parallel participles (“going forth…having set forth”) and maintains the original’s paratactic syntax. The subjunctive ut esset is rendered as “that he might be” to keep the purpose clause structure. Classical Latin suffix -ae often becomes -e.

Orthographic Choices: Thartars is Greek-influenced spelling (Θαρτάροι), different from later infernal connotations of “Tartarus”. Geographic names are kept close to the medieval Latin original.

Terminology: “Solicitude” (for sollicitudinis) shows the weight of spiritual responsibility implied here, thereby avoiding modern simplifications to “concern” or “task”.


Historical Commentary

  • Chronological Precision: The 1245 dating aligns with the Council of Lyon’s closure (17 July 1245- Julian Calendar) and Carpini’s Easter (26 March 1245) departure.
  • Geopolitical Context: Conrad of Masovia’s involvement reflects his important role as adversary of the Mongols (defeated at Chmielnik 1241) and diplomatic mediator. His presence in the text confirms that the Polish dukes were cultural intermediaries between Latin Europe and the Mongol world. Kyiv’s description as “under servitude” echoes contemporary Rus’ chronicles’ terminology (Igorevna/Tatar’skii plen).
  • Franciscan Networks: The Wrocław scene is an example for the practice of pairing missionaries with local brethren. Archeological evidence suggests that the Wrocław convent housed a scriptorium which was theoretically capable of producing the multilingual documents the mission required.
  • Mongol Administration: The six-day journey to Comania’s (Qipchaq/Cuman Steppe, stretching from the Danube to the Volga) border guards matches the yam system’s typical spacing (30-40km between stations). This detail confirms the Golden Horde’s frontier organization in 1245, as recorded by John of Plano Carpini.

2.

When it had been heard by the commanders of that guardpost that they were messengers of the Pope, having demanded and received gifts from them, the aforementioned two brothers John and Benedict—the third brother having been incapacitated—with the horses and attendants, that they had brought with them, left behind right there as they were commanded, were conducted on the Tartars’ own horses, with their baggage safely kept, to the next guardpost. And so on through many stations, with changed horses.

Textual Commentary

Grammatical Adjustments: A cuius custodie ducibus implies a following passive Verb. But Benedict writes audi(vi)ssent. Changing the genus verbi of audivissent created less impact in the overall phrase structure. The ablative absolute postulatis…receptis muneribus is rendered as a participial phrase (“having demanded…gifts”) to preserve the original temporal sequence. The phrase structure is followed as closely as possible while maintaining readability.

Terminology: “Attendants” (for clientulis) keeps the military connotation of the Latin original.

Medical Context: “incapacitated” keeps the vague meaning of debilitato. Based on Carpini’s account of the Bohemian brother’s foot injuries, the likely meaning is “too ill/injured to continue the journey”.


Historical Commentary

  • The Yam/ Örtöö System: This passage provides the first Western description of the Mongol postal relay system. The average distance between stations was roughly 30-40 km. To maintain a speed of 40-50 km/day, horse exchanges were mandatory. A Mongol rider could probably travel up to 300 km/day depending on conditions.
  • Diplomatic Protocol: The gift exchange followed strict Mongol customs: The demand for gifts was an important part of Mongol diplomatic protocol, but the specific type and quantity could vary. Gifts were purified by passing between fires (see paragraph 5). Attendants were left behind for reasons not stated in the texts; one might assume logistics or security concerns as a reason.
  • Medical Reality: The abandoned brother may have suffered from: Some sort of trench foot from wet riding; dysentery or other illness common among European travelers not used to the harsh conditions of the steppe. Or he was purposefully left as a hostage. Benedictus gives no specific reason, so this is speculative. Pelliot assumes he returned home with Carpini on their way back.

3.

On the third day they came to a commander of one army, who was appointed as the leader of eight thousand armed men, whose officers, demanding and receiving gifts, led them to their commander, Corenza. He inquired their reason for their journey and the nature of their business; which having understood, he assigned them three Thartars from his own men who should take care of them with horses and provisions from army to army, until they would come to a leader named Bati, who is one of the higher leaders of the Thartars, and who devastated Ungaria.

Textual Commentary

Military Terminology: prefectus erat octo milibus reflects the Mongol tümen organizational structure. We can speculate why Benedictus does not mention 10,000 as in a full unit, the exact decimal system.

Names/ Titles: Corenza likely is Kurumshi, a Kipchak general and Bati is Batu Khan, founder of the Golden Horde. The Latin princeps shows Batu in his leadership role, not as a hereditary feudal prince.

Syntax: The relative clause and its placement “and who devastated Hungary” is typical for Medieval Latin.


Historical Commentary

  • Mongol Military Organization:
    8,000 men = precise tümen subdivision under Batu’s Golden Horde. Repeatedly demanding gifts at each command level was part of the Mongol protocol with envoys. Their journey required authorization at every stage. The assignment of three Mongol escorts shows the importance of their mission from a Mongol perspective. Considering the fact that many envoys were on their way to the quriltai, it was probably a standard procedure.
  • Historical Figures:
    Corenza likely is Kurumshi, a Kipchak commander in Batu’s western army. Batu’s title Khan, here translated as “leader”, reflects his autonomous status despite Güyük’s Khaganship.
  • Route Reconstruction:
    “Army to army” confirms their route passed through areas of significant military mobilization (likely near river crossings).

4.

Mid-journey, they crossed rivers called Nepere and Don; on this journey, they spent five weeks and more, namely from the Sunday Invocavit until Maundy Thursday, on which day they came to Bati, finding him beside the great river Ethil that the Rus call Volga, which is believed to be the Thanais.

Textual Commentary

Hydronyms: The mistaken Thanais (Don) identification reflects medieval geographical confusion. That Benedictus tries to explain his thought process shows his goal of giving factual information that fits in the existing knowledge of the time.

Liturgical Dating: Kept Invocavit (first Sunday of Lent) untranslated as a technical term. The five-week duration matches Carpini’s parallel account.


Historical Commentary

  • Chronology:
    25 Feb (Invocavit) – 5 Apr 1246: the journey from Invocavit (25 February) to Maundy Thursday (5 April) 1246 lasted five weeks. This timeline is consistent with Carpini’s own account. The five-week duration implies a travel pace of 20-30 km/day with baggage. The Maundy Thursday (5 April 1246) arrival at Batu’s camp is likely mentioned due to its liturgical significance for the friars.
  • Geographical Errors:
    The text falsely identifies the Volga (Ethil) with the classical river Thanais (Don) due to the geographical uncertainties of the European cartography of the Middle Ages. This idea possibly stems from Ptolemaic maps still used in Europe. Benedict correctly identifies the Volga’s Turkic name (Ethil).
  • Bati’s Camp Location:
    This meeting may have happened at or near the later site of Sarai (founded ca. 1247). Batu’s spring camp lay in the lower Volga zone; precise placement (Volgograd–Astrakhan corridor) remains uncertain.

5.

Bati’s ministers therefore, received from them the demanded gifts, namely forty beaver pelts and eighty lynx pelts. These gifts were carried between two sacred fires by them, and the brothers were forced to follow the gifts, for such is the custom among the Thartars to purify messengers and gifts by fire. Beyond the fires stood a cart bearing a golden statue of the Emperor, which likewise is customarily worshiped; but the brothers absolutely refusing to worship it, were only forced to bow their heads. Bati therefore, having heard the embassy and having examined it word for word, after five days, namely on the Tuesday after Easter, sent them with his letter and their aforesaid Thartar guides to the son of the great Emperor, whose son’s name is Cuyucchan, into the native land of the Thartars.

Textual Commentary

Terminology: tantum translated as “only” shows the leniency of the Mongols and the steadfastness of the brothers. tamen in P would imply the opposite. Kept Cuyucchan (Güyük Khan) in its original phonetic form.

Ritual Description: “Purify by fire” maintains the literal sense of expiare. The golden statue might be identified as the Emperor (Ögedei).

Chronology: “Tuesday after Easter” was 10 April 1246.


Historical Commentary

  • Diplomatic Gifts:
    Forty beaver pelts and eighty marten pelts are a substantial offering following Mongol protocol for envoys seeking an audience. It ́s likely that the number is factual, but the 40/80 could also be symbolic.
  • Fire Ritual:
    The purification by fire is described as a Mongol ritual for cleansing envoys and goods. The golden statue likely represented the spirit of the late Khan Ögedei. The required bowing was an act of political homage and maybe ancestor veneration, which the Franciscans probably misinterpreted as idolatry. The head-bowing compromise respected Franciscan religious sentiments while acknowledging Mongol custom.
  • Political Context:
    The five-day delay suggests Batu and his court took time to examine the papal letter and to confirm the identity of their guests and their mission, before deciding to let them continue to the Great Khan. “Native land” refers to the imperial heartland to which they were now sent to the court of Güyük Khan.

6.

They were therefore dismissed by the leader Bati, and with their limbs bound with bandages to endure the hardship of riding, after two weeks they departed from Comania. In Comania, however, they found abundant wormwood. For this land was once called Pontus, as Ovid recalls about Pontus: “Bitter wormwoods stand on the vast plains.” As the brothers however traveled through Comania, to their right they had the land of the Saxons, whom we believe to be Goths, and they are Christians; then the Alans, who are Christians; then the Gazari, who are Christians; in this land lies Orna, a wealthy city captured by the Tartars through flooding; then the Circassians, and they are Christians; finally the Georgians, and they are Christians.

Textual Commentary

Classical citation: Benedictus attributes the line “Tristia per vastos horrent absynthya campos” to Ovid in order to characterise Comania as the former Pontic region. I am grateful to Professor Czekalska for her correction and confirmation that the original locus is Ovidius, Epistulae ex Ponto III.1.23. (14 Nov. 2025, Author´s note: Previously, the quote was incorrectly identified as uncertain.)

Ethnonym and Geography: “Saxons” likely refers to the Crimean Goths (not to be confused with British Anglo-Saxons). They probably spoke a Germanic language. “Ornarum” i.e., people of Orna, instead of assuming “Ornam”.


Historical Commentary

  • Distance and Pace:
    The two-week journey between Batu’s Volga camp and the western edge of Comania implies the caravan moved about 25-35 km per day, maybe on Mongol relay horses, if we assume a general distance of roughly 500 km.
  • Steppe Ecology:
    Benedict’s remark on “wormwood” (absynthyum) reflects the aromatic vegetation dominating the Pontic steppe.
  • Ethnographic sequence:
    The sequence proves knowledge of actual geography and people around the Black Sea and the Caucasus, though the mention of ’Gazari’ likely uses an anachronistic name for the inhabitants of the Crimean or Volga region at that time: Crimean Goths → North Caucasus Alans → Gazari (probably not Khazars) → Circassians → Georgians. Each group is marked “and they are Christians.” The repeated emphasis on these groups being Christian highlights one of the mission’s core diplomatic and religious objectives: to map the presence of potential Christian allies and communities under Mongol rule.

7.

But in Ruscia they first encountered the Morduani to their left; these are pagans and they mostly have the backs of their heads shaved; then the Byleri, and they are pagans; then the Bascardi, who are ancient Hungarians; then the Cynocephales, who have canine heads; then the Parocitae, who have a tiny and narrow mouth and cannot chew anything, but consume “suckable” foods and nourish themselves on the vapors of meat and fruit.


Textual Commentary

Ethnographic Terms: Largely preserved the original spellings of peoples.

Physical Descriptions: Literally rendered capud retro rasum (“shaved back of their heads”), os parvum et angustum (“small, narrow mouth”), and sorbicia translated as “suckable food,” meaning any liquid that might be drunk through a straw.


Historical Commentary

  • Ethnic Identification:
    Mordvins are a Finno-Ugric language group that still lives in the region today. The Byleros are commonly identified as the Burtas, a people maybe allied with the Volga Bulgars, but the identification remains uncertain. The Bascardos are probably Bashkirs who seemed to preserve pre-Magyar traditions.
  • Legendary Elements:
    The legendary Cynocephales or dog-headed men are a classic example of the “monstrous races” of medieval legend entering the report despite Benedictus being an eyewitness. This illustrates the blend of observation and inherited folklore still common at the time. There is speculation that they were Uralic bear-cult shamans wearing canine masks. Perhaps we can even think of a connection to the Christophorus legend? The Parocitae, with their tiny mouths, are another legendary people from medieval ethnographic tradition, with no clear modern identification. Some modern researchers have speculated that this legend could be influenced by knowledge of some Arctic Samoyed Nenets people who traditionally consumed raw or blood foods through bone tubes, which could have been misinterpreted as “small mouths.”
  • Geographical Context:
    The sequence mirrors the actual Volga trade route: Mordvin lands → Burtas territory → Bashkir steppes → Arctic groups. The passage blends possibly firsthand observation (hairstyles) with travelers’ lore about northern “monstrous races.” Yet, it could be entirely based on hearsay.

8.

At the edge of Comania they crossed a river by the name Iarach, where the land of the Kangitae begins. Through this, they traveled for twenty days, where they encountered few people but many marshes, vast salt marshes, and briny rivers, which we believe to be the Maeotian marshes; they also crossed for eight days a vast wilderness, utterly barren and sandy. Beyond the land of the Kangitae they came to Turkya, where they first encountered the great city of Iankynt, making about a ten days’ journey through this same Turkya; Turkya, however, has the law of Machomet. After Turkya they entered a land which is called Karakytai, that means Black Kitay, and these are pagans, where they encountered no city, in which they encountered a sea to their left, which we believe to be the Caspian Sea. Beyond this land, they entered the territory of the Naymans, where they encountered no villages or cities, who were once rulers of the Tartars. After this, they entered the land of the Tartars on the feast of Mary Magdalene, where they encountered the Emperor at a great tent called Syra orda, where they stayed for four months, and witnessed the election of their Emperor Cuiuckan.

Textual Commentary

Geographical Terminology: Preserving medieval toponyms without modernization: Iarach, Kangitae, Turkia, Iankynt, Karakytai, Naymani, Syra orda, Cuiuckan

Ethnonyms: Karakytai explained as “Black Kitay” (nigri Kitay)—the Western Liao Empire, conquered by the Mongols in the 1220s. Their founders were Khitan, who fled the fall of their reign after their realm was conquered by the Chinese.


Historical Commentary

  • Route Reconstruction:
    Iarach → Kangitae marks the transition from Pontic (Comania) to the Kazakh steppe. The Kangitae are sometimes conflated with the Qangli Turks of the era. Turkya → Iankynt corresponds to the Syr Darya region, with Jankent as the last major Islamic city before the Mongol heartlands. The Karakytai wilderness means the former Western Liao area; this deserted stretch of land reflects the devastation after the recent Mongol conquest. The Maeotian marshes misplace the Caspian wetlands. This is a geographical inaccuracy; the true Maeotian marshes are to the southwest of Comania, around the area of the Azov-Don delta. The Caspian marshlands would be almost 1000 km to the southeast.
  • Political Context:
    The Naymans are a powerful steppe confederation, recently conquered, now incorporated into the Mongol empire. The Syra orda (Yellow Tent) served as the ceremonial tent/ camp at Karakorum for Güyük’s imperial election and enthronement. One might connect the color yellow to Mongol cosmology, with yellow representing the center.
  • Chronology:
    The arrival on 22 July 1246 (Feast of Mary Magdalene) happens close to Güyük ́s election in the summer of 1246; the four-month stay corresponds to preparations and celebrations of the imperial quriltai. That the exact date is correct, however doubtful. It may be a simple error or a literary-theological way to give meaning to their arrival.

9.

And Brother Benedict the Pole himself reported orally to us that both of them saw there about five thousand men of rank and power, who, all clad in gold-woven cloth, took part on the first day in the election of the king. But neither that day nor the next, when they had taken part in white samite, did they reach agreement, on the third day, however, dressed in red samite, they concordantly celebrated the election. The same brother also testified that about three thousand envoys similarly sent from various parts of the world were present, who had brought responses, letters, tributes, or various and very abundant gifts to the same court, among which the said brothers were counted, wearing also themselves gold-woven cloth over their tunics as necessity compelled, for none of the envoys was permitted to behold the face of the elected and crowned king unless properly attired.

Textual Commentary

Terminology: baldakino: Baldac is the medieval Latin name for Baghdad, hence Baghdad gold cloth. Samitis (ablative plural), as an expensive cloth, shows the textile’s important ceremonial appearance. xennia: the text adopts the Greek expression for diplomatic “gifts”.

Firsthand Account: “himself reported orally” and “The same friar also testified” emphasis authenticates Benedictus’ eyewitness status as well as the fact that the text was very likely written down by a scribe according to Benedictus’ report.

Syntax: Maintained the causal quia clause (“for none of the envoys…”) to explain why Franciscans would wear such a rich attire. All subclauses are kept as faithful to the Latin original syntax as possible.


Historical Commentary

  • Election Ritual:
    The three-day progression, in different colors each day (gold, white, red), is a unique eyewitness account of the ceremonial surrounding the election. Its specific symbolic meaning remains unclear from the report itself. The “five thousand men of rank and power” might refer to allied chiefs and embassies from all around and within the Mongol empire at the 1246 quriltai. The brothers’ gold cloth, which they had to wear, marked them as envoys.
  • Material Culture:
    Baldakino means highly valued Baghdad-woven gold textiles traded along the Silk Road as political currency. Samitum was a heavy, luxurious silk fabric, often with gold or silver threads, which was appropriate for such a high ceremonial occasion. It was a widely respected product of Near-East or Byzantine industry.
  • Diplomatic Context:
    The emphasis on “3,000 envoys” confirms the global reach of Mongol diplomacy. The Papal mission was just one of many such delegations. Even considering the need for translators, servants, etc.; the number seems inflated and should be understood symbolically. The Greek term xennia is used for the “gifts” brought by the envoys, functioning as tribute or tokens of submission to Mongol authority. The friars may have understood the system as analogous to the one Byzantium had established.

10.

So, being led into the Syra orda, that is the Emperor’s throne room, they saw him crowned, resplendent in wondrous attire, sitting in the middle of the tent upon a certain platform, richly adorned with gold and silver and enclosed from above by railings, on which one ascended via four distinct stepped approaches. And there were three approaches before the platform: through the central one, only the Emperor ascended and descended, through the other two flanking ones, the powerful and those of middle rank; through the fourth, however, which was behind him, his mother and wife, and kinsmen ascended. Likewise, the Syra orda had three entrances in the manner of gates, of which the middle and greatest entrance —far surpassing the others— is always open and unguarded, through which only the king enters and leaves; and if any other should enter through it, he would be put to death without remedy. The other two flanking gates were secured with bars and had very fierce guards watching over them with weapons, through which others enter with reverence, fearing the prescribed penalty.

Textual Commentary

Terminology: The description of the throne room is kept as literal as possible.

Syntax: Closely maintained the participial constructions decoratum et desuper cancellatum etc. describing the throne platform. maxima quae: Likely a resumptive pronoun reinforcing maxima, not introducing a new clause.


Historical Commentary

  • Imperial Architecture:
    The description of the Syra orda (“Yellow Tent”) aligns with Mongol traditions of the great royal tent. Archaeological finds at Karakorum confirm the use of large ceremonial spaces and elevated throne platforms, though no structure has been found matching this specific tent. The four distinct stepped approaches (ascensuum) to the throne platform (tabulatum) physically structured the access according to a strict social and political hierarchy. The elevated platform, enclosed by railings (cancellatum), shows Mongol hierarchical principles. The steps (gradus) are part of the ascending paths, not separate from them. The three entrances were a key feature for the ceremonial regulation of space and movement, with the central gate embodying the paradox of the Khan’s simultaneous accessibility and remoteness.

11.

On the third day, the lord Pope’s embassy was heard by officials and interpreters with deliberation and care, and afterwards the brothers were sent to the Emperor’s mother, whom they also encountered residing in a very beautiful great tent. She treated them more courteously and familiarly, and sent them back to her son. While they waited there, they frequently associated with Georgians living among the Tartars, who are honored enough by them because they are valiant and warlike. These men are called Georgian because they invoke Saint George in their battles, having him as their patron, and honor him above other saints; they use the Greek language in sacred scriptures, and bear crosses upon their stations and carts. They observe Greek customs in divine things among the Tartars.

Textual Commentary

Court Protocol: The three-day delay (tercia die) before the audience, maybe because of ceremonial reasons or the enormous number of the envoys.

Subordinate Clause (ubi cum): A medieval Latin blend of temporal/locative subordination (ubi = “where/when” + cum = “while”).

Syntax: The causal quia clause (“because they are valiant”) is maintained as well as the participial habendoque (“having him as”) construction. The phrase utentes… continues the participal construction, but is not translated literally here.


Historical Commentary

  • Mongol Court Dynamics:
    The “Emperor’s mother” refers to Töregene, regent during the interregnum (1241–46) and mother of Güyük Khan. Her separate tent might symbolize autonomous authority. Benedictus’ description provides one of the earliest Western accounts of her royal position. Georgian cavalry units are well attested in Mongol service; medieval sources vary regarding their numbers, but they were seen as a very prestigious Christian heavy cavalry.
  • Religious Practice:
    Benedictus’ report provides one of the earliest Western accounts of the intense devotion to St. George as a national patron saint—a feature of Georgian identity in the 13th century. The use of Greek in scripture indicates the persistence of the Byzantine rite maintained by Georgian clergy, maybe serving as Mongol translators.
  • Material Culture:
    The stationes could be mobile field chapels (not guard posts)—some kind of folding shrines on carts, which allowed the Georgian diaspora to practice their faith in a nomadic environment. This reflects Mongol religious tolerance toward valued subjects. The display of crosses on carts and stations (“cross-marked carts”) confirms the Georgians’ open Christian practice within the Mongol Empire. Benedictus’ positive depiction contrasts with his suspicion of pagan customs elsewhere, which reveals his quite nuanced cross-cultural perception.

12.

Therefore, having completed the business for which the brothers had come, they returned -dismissed by the Emperor with letters sealed with his seal to be delivered to the lord Pope- with envoys of the Sultan of Babylon, making their way westward. And after they had traveled together for fifteen days, the said envoys left them, turning southward. The brothers themselves, however, proceeded westward and, having crossed the Rhine at Cologne, returned to Lugdunum to the lord Pope, presenting to him the letters of the Emperor of the Tartars, whose content through translation is as follows.

Textual Commentary

Geographical Details: Cologne is mentioned as the exact Rhine crossing point.

Syntax/ Expressions: The ablative absolute expleto negotio (“having completed the business”) and temporal clause cum…processissent (“after they had traveled”) follow the precise sequencing of the Latin original. The expression (tenor… talis est) certifies the translation’s fidelity to the original Mongol letter. Here tenor carries its full legal weight. It emphasizes the unchanged essence of the message despite a linguistically challenging mediation.

Narrative Closure The formula “whose content… is as follows” transitions seamlessly into the appended Latin text, thereby concluding the Relatio.


Historical Commentary

  • Return Journey:
    The friars returned in the company of envoys from the Sultan of “Babylon” (a contemporary European term for the Ayyubid rulers in Cairo), with whom they traveled for a time before the two missions diverged onto separate routes. Their stop in Cologne must have happened in late summer of 1247 (no dates are given by Benedictus). On their homeward route, carrying sealed letters from the Great Khan, they likely recounted their travels at various (Eastern) European courts.
  • Political Context:
    In contemporary European (Crusader) terminology, which conflated Cairo with ancient Babylon, the Ayyubid rulers in Cairo became the “Sultan of Babylon”. The report’s chronology is structured around the journey itself: The mention of returning to the Pope at Lyon serves as a narrative closure, the Council of Lyon had concluded two years earlier, in July 1245. Papal documents show that their report was registered on 22 November 1247. Therefore, we have a terminus ante quem for their arrival in Lyon. At that time, the papal court resided in Lyon and not in Rome, which explains why they did not head for Rome.

13.

(By) The strength of God, the Ruler of all men, to the great Pope, most certain and true letters. Having taken counsel to establish peace with us, you, Pope, and all Christians have sent your envoy to us, as we have heard from him, and as was contained in your letters. Therefore, if you desire to have peace with us, you, Pope, and all Kings and powerful, do not delay in any way to come to me to establish a binding peace, and then you shall hear our response and will together. Your letters contained that we should be baptized and be made Christians. To this, we briefly reply to you that we do not understand how we ought to do this. To another matter also contained in your letters, namely that you marvel at the great slaughter of men -especially Christians, and particularly of Poles, Moravians, and Hungarians- we reply to you that we do not understand this as well. But so that we do not seem to pass over this entirely in silence, we tell you the following in response: Because they did not obey the word of God and the command of Cyngis-Chan and the Khan, and having held great counsel, killed our envoys, therefore God commanded to destroy them and delivered them into our hands. Otherwise, if God hadn´t done this, what could man have done against man? But you, men of the West, believe that you alone are Christians and despise others. Yet, how can you know to whom God deigns to confer His grace? We, however, by worshiping God, by the strength of God, have destroyed all the land from east to west. And if this was not the strength of God, what could men have done? But if you undertake peace and want to surrender your strongholds to us, you, Pope, with the Christian powerful, do not delay in any way to come to me to make peace; and then we shall know that you want to have peace with us. But if you will not believe the words of God and ours and do not listen to our counsel to come to us, then we shall know for certain that you want to have war with us. What will happen after this, we do not know; God alone knows. Cyngis-Chan first Emperor. Second Ochoday-Chan. Third Cuiuch-Chan.

Textual Commentary

Transmission and Source:

  • The letter appears at the end of the Relatio in B (Vienna) and P (Paris), and in an independent Vienna copy; the fullest version is preserved in Salimbene’s Chronica (MGH SS XXXII), which Wyngaert and Pelliot both identify as copied directly from an original trilingual document. Wyngaert reprinted the letter and appended Pelliot’s 1924 French translation and another Latin version from O, but without a full manuscript apparatus.

Character of the Latin Text:

  • The Latin represents a translation through possibly Turkic or Persian intermediaries. Expressions such as Dei fortitudo, omnium hominum Imperator reproduce the Mongol invocation “By the power of Eternal Heaven.”

Historical Commentary

  • Diplomatic and Theological Context:
    The letter had been issued from Karakorum end of 1246, soon after Güyük Khan’s enthronement. It rejects Innocent IV’s call for baptism and demands universal submission of all rulers to the Mongol “Ruler of all men.”The closing phrase, solus Deus novit, expresses the very different Mongol monotheism, but through a filter of Latin thought: Mongolian heaven’s will becomes Christian divine judgment.
  • Linguistic and Cultural Mediation:
    Originally written in three languages—Turkic (Old Uyghur), Persian, and Mongolian (seal inscription)—and probably translated into Latin by people around Carpini or with the help of local Europeans at the Mongol court. There is also the possibility that they got help from speakers of the respective languages on the way back.

Published Edition & Translation

Werner, G. (2025). The Relatio of Benedictus Polonus: A Critical Edition and Historical-Literal Translation (1.0). Zenodo. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17562338

This publication contains both the critical Latin edition and historical-literal English translation of Benedict the Pole’s 13th-century account of his journey to the Mongol Empire, accompanied by textual commentary and historical analysis.